'By proving itself incapable of finding a solution during all this time, the Spanish government has allowed the Catalan conflict to escalate from an internal dispute to a European conflict,' Colau.

Ryan Barnes is a Senior International Trade Specialist at the U.S. Department of Commerce. Previously, Ryan held the following positions: Global Resea • WE BRING YOU PERSPECTIVES FROM AROUND THE WORLD. HELP US TO INFORM AND EDUCATE. YOUR DONATION IS TAX-DEDUCTIBLE.

• As recent elections bring pro-independence parties into power, Ryan Barnes takes a look back at the history of Basque and Catalan nationalist aspirations. The Crisis of National Identity The nature of European nationalism, in many ways, has changed. While the nationalism that underlined two world wars has largely subsided, notably spurred on by European Union integration, a modified form is still alive and well in Europe. However, rather than German or Italian, modern day nationalism is more likely to be intrastate, found in. Some of these groups’ nationalist demands date back centuries, but now the issue of sub-nationalism is commonplace, and the central governments of many multi-ethnic states must determine how to manage these nationalist demands. Spain is one such state confronted with the issue of sub-nationalism. The southern European country is unique, however, in that it is home to not just one, but many nationalist movements on its periphery.

The Basques and Catalans, who trace their nationalist histories back centuries, are the two foremost and empowered ethnic groups attempting to wrest power away from the central government in Madrid. While the two share many common traits, they also diverge in certain aspects and platforms of their movements. Both Basques and Catalans have maintained linguistic, cultural, and economic differences with the rest of Spain. Both enjoyed trappings of autonomy – fueros – or charters, which exempted them from some taxes and military service requirements over the years.

And they have both seen crackdowns by the central government, first by Primo de Rivera in the 1930s and then Francisco Franco, who suppressed the use of regional language or any outward display of sub-nationalism during his nearly forty-year rule. The modern form of Basque and Catalan nationalism arose roughly at the same time, as nationalism was spreading across nineteenth-century Europe. Rapid industrialization, which resulted in massive social change and urban migration, whereby floods of people left their rural homes for the big city, led to a questioning of one’s identity. Basques and Catalans, like others in Europe, were suffering from this identity crisis, looking for an entrenched uniqueness in the midst of large-scale social change, which they found in romantic nationalism. The Spanish state was in decline at this point, having lost its former empire, which allowed for peripheral nationalism to flourish.

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Both modern movements were also formed and cultivated by prominent nationalist leaders. For Basques, Sabino Arana is the godfather of nationalism. He espoused the Basque language, formed the Basque Nationalist Party in 1895, wrote the national anthem, and designed the flag. Arana’s Catalan counterpart, Valenti Almirall, was not as famous or unaided in his nationalist pursuit, but was an essential leader of the movement. Almirall published El Estado Catalan, a Federalist paper in 1870, which led to the formation of patriotic association Jove Catalonia (Young Catalonia).

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